Second Introductory Page to Advocist Manifesto Page.


This book contains the most important essays of the Corpus Christi resistance to organised prostitution; The C.C.A. The Cestre Cantre Anarchists have existed since the near fatal fall of the author and godfather of this book, Tim Telsa. That is me.

Well, how do we explain? The book is probably self explanatory if taken in the light that most of the essays explain the C.C.A. as a campaigning group in the first place. So lets not waste time to explain who we are, when that is the purpose of this book in the first place. Hence this could be an introduction about why these essays were written.

Well, the situation is this. The B.B.C., in '92, embarked on an experiment. This was not an experiment to monitor the views of the great British public who watch the T.V. Neither was it an experiment to investigate the views towards their increasingly biased reporting, particularly on the Convoy. This experiment was more sinister. This was an experiment actually into the mind of one person. It was an experiment in the control of one particular subversive. And that subversive is me. It was an exercise in the running of the state. It was Big Brother. And it still continues.

They got me in a mental hospital quickly enough. There wasn't a problem there. In the course of a long mental illness I had become increasingly subversive, engineering moves in the crimeworld that were reported by the press, and were, for a lot of people, their first introduction to politics and how they could work in the underworld. So, due to that, and a history of supporting the disputes of the prostitutes on the streets of London, the state had no choice other than to exercise control in the form of punishment.

But this punishment was not through the courts. It was not through the mundane channels of court, fines or prison. It was wholly more bizarre. It was a set-up and a blatant con. But it was a set-up that was to change history. The B.B.C. took the situation into their hands to do the unthinkable on a seventeen year old teenager, who had found himself at number three on the public enemy list. The state set up a situation of Big Brother rule, under a mass conspiracy of silence and deceit against the listening public. The state were to exercise control through the monitoring of thought.

It was three years after the broadcast of thought had been initiated, that the C.C.A., in resistance to prostitution, founded as an organisation split from the mainstream of anarchism and supporting the persecuted movement of the Convoy in a way that nobody had really planned for. Eventually we decided our future as arsonists. That was the birth of the C.C.A.

The revolutionary new philosophy of escalating civil unrest through the arson of political targets such as sex shops, was a split from the feminist movement in the first place. In the second place it was a shift from anarchism and the violent chauvinism of anarchist groups who had stagnated into their own dogma of stigmatising those who they considered 'sectarian'; creating a new form of sectarianism that was exploited to the furthest degree by the B.B.C.

It was this very chauvinism, escalated to the most ludicrous degree by the press, that became the soapbox that the C.C.A. would eventually go on to exploit to the furthest degree by ourselves. For every slander, and there were too many, a political line would come from the insane scrawl of the godfather, discussing politics on a level not anticipated by the B.B.C., who saw fit to broadcast every single statement with the twisted justification that they could slander. Even so, the movement of Cestre Cantre Anarchism became a spectacle born from the ashes of the society that the scum intended to create for the youth of this country and coming generations.

Prostitution was a key issue in both the slander of the B.B.C., and in the politics of our own movement; the first faction of the anarchists to discuss the theories of chaos in a manner not intended to corrupt anarchism. We went as far as to criticise the press in the same manner that the press had criticised and thus corrupted punk in its adolescence. The politics of the C.C.A. had come from the street, and that was something that the B.B.C. were not exactly ready to accept. It was only a matter of time before the C.C.A. went on to steal the show, proposing the exact same movement that had got us in to trouble in the first place.

Many were to accuse us of being insane. "Why do you think they are doing that?", "Do you still believe that the B.B.C. can monitor your thought?" and "You know you hear voices" were the reasons exploited by Big Brother to continue their deceit of the listening people, and eventually to escalate it.

It is the victory of the C.C.A. that the B.B.C. never escalated the monitoring of though to become a form of 'Terrorist Prevention'. We were too radical and too insane for it to stand that the broadcasting of thought was a sane alternative for a state that would continually slander those in mental hospitals and subversives. Even so, the story wouldn't end. It still continued and still continues.

But it is the soapbox by which the C.C.A. address the proletariat. If every thought is broadcast, then the channelling of concentration into running a propaganda group geared towards the paramilitary overthrow of the state through prostitution, is a point of conversation to which the left could take note of. Getting people involved with a subversive campaign that aim only to educate the people into haw a subversive campaign is run, may have certain merits of its own. With luck the C.C.A. may become a working example of how a working paramilitary advocation is run. Maybe it will mushroom. Maybe it will grow.

But within this volume are the essays written in order to discuss the issues raised by the advocates of both arson and theft for a prostitutes cultural revolution. These are the essays which, as they were broadcast, became the solidarity of the C.C.A. with every thinking person from the street. These are the essays written to build a new movement set up to become a political diresque.

None of these essays worked to get me out of mental hospital, and all of these essays worked to get me into even bigger trouble with the press. They provoked my doctor to the extreme of increasing my medication a number of times, and eventually into threatening to censor my work. If his understanding of my situation with the press was that I was a paranoid and delusional schizophrenic, then his understanding of my writing caused him even greater concern. "Not acceptable to the outside public", he said, and passed a rule that no document was to be given to any patient, no matter what their involvement in the group. As a result I stopped showing my work to the staff.

The original document that 'caused him concern', was the first 101 questions and answers that are printed in this book as 'Prostitution'. This work originally came out in pamphlet form under the title 'How To Make a Petrol Bomb'. It was printed on a photocopier, many of them by a member of staff who, 'agreed with alot' of what I said. The pamphlet was widely distributed to the left as a part of the C.C.A. and the campaign as it existed at that time, and had the motif of a chaos symbol and a nice little diagram of a petrol bomb at the back. In the outcome, even Advocacy said that it was 'controversial', and that it could inspire violence in the patients.

I responded with humour; giving them the line that if the hospital was draconian to the extent that I wasn't allowed to distribute literature, then maybe the patients should have the knowledge of how you make a petrol bomb anyway. They failed to get the joke.

They increased my injection.

I stepped down.

But not for long. Within a month I was writing another 101 Questions, refusing hospital food and going around with a sponsor form for a hunger strike to support framed prisoners. Again they failed to get the joke. Again they increased my injection.

Then they put me back on the locked ward.

I used that opportunity to write an essay which is not included in this book. It was an essay about mental hospital and the reality behind the system of locked wards. It was one of the only pieces of writing which wasn't about prostitution. But the fact remained that I was locked up on the pretence of my first experience of sadomasochistic sex having been rumbled. I was mentally sane, and yet I was locked up with psychotic murderers and frustrated rapists. It was this experience that prompted me to decide to start work on a compilation of the essays I had written as a prisoner of the asylum nightmare of injections and control. I saw it as hostage writing.

It was only when I eventually got myself back on the rehabilitation ward that work really commenced.

But the experience made me realise that persecution in this country does take place on a scale that people mostly don't accept. No one has ever believed me that the B.B.C. are monitoring thought, just as Germany never realised that there was such a thing as the Third Reich. Just as thousands of unsung martyrs have gone down as forgotten in history that is so biased as to only allow for democracy in this country, I was in danger of becoming the slave that the press needed in order to be morally justified in progressing further with the monitoring of thought. I wasn't about to accept this. But in the course of running a political protest group against organised prostitution, I realised just how powerful the Church of Satan actually are.

I've had my run ins with the Satanic Church, and every one of them has made me more determined to channel my energies into helping people develop their own spiritual beliefs, but more importantly, helping people out of the Great Golden Carcrusher of prostitution. It was watching the image of my fiancé being so brutally executed on Christmas day that really made me determined to follow my views and publish this compilation of work. I felt it was a way to remember Beelzebub; her of whom all my fondest memories recount.

It was as if she wanted me to write it as I wanted to be with her. But we were in it together. If it wasn't her, then it would have been me, or it would have been someone else. So is the nature of what we do.

But the worst memory was the press sitting there in their studio, lifting no finger to help, just reporting. It is all of this that makes the doctor assume I am deluded. And I can only think of him as being justified in that idea, even if it is a twisted view of the facts, no matter how weird those facts may be.

But isn't that an icon of the power that is exercised by the state in their struggle to uphold the same icon of Devil Worship that upholds them? It cannot be disputed that the current reporting of the B.B.C., particularly B.B.C. radio, is geared towards the advocations of Black Magick and peadophile sexual abuse of children that have found themselves mixed up with those same rites in the first place. Isn't it a conspiracy that all this can go on under the noses of the doctors, whilst in full display of the people and the politicians? Is this a display of the power of the Church of Satan? Is it the press themselves advocating Satanic child abuse in their sick quest for power?

And we ask, how did the Church of Satan ever rise to become so powerful in the sex industry in the first place? It is our belief that it was a deliberate move played by Satanism, as they realised the growing power of the spectacle and the power of the sex industry within that. It is for this reason I believe my personal battle against Devil Worship as an icon of state control, to be so important. The B.B.C. are known Satan Worshippers, as are the press. So who, exempting myself, would they choose to be the first target in their struggle to end the revolution before the second coming of Christ the Messiah.